Tuesday, March 1, 2011

My views on khat...not cat


As both Klein and Carrier depict a simple shrub consumed as more than just a narcotic stimulant, they both paint a rather complex image out of its symbolism and levels of value within cultural, economical and social constructs. Klein speaks specifically to the remarkable “taking on” of khat as a traditional marker within the Somali community and especially its Diaspora in the UK. Oddly enough, as Klein describes, khat usage has only been a recent phenomena in Somali culture, and somehow moved to becoming part of what the UK Somali Diaspora see as a link back “home.” It is this imagined sense of khat as belonging to their ancestors that Somali men seem to be drawn to. However, Klein goes on to describe this to be only a singular role of the plant, as it not simply some representation of this imagined home, rather Somali women describe it as a means for men to cope with the angst of losing dominance and traditional roles they once held back home. As a coping mechanism it has turned into an addiction and is no longer simply a social pleasure. The khat consumed in the UK by Somali mean is usually stronger (Kenyan variety) and taken in much larger quantities.
To focus on Klein’s main argument(s) one should see that this divergent view of khat and what it does as so much as it represents to Somali men and women has caused a rift within the Somali community. This has translated into a focus on why it is so readily available domestically, but more importantly internationally. As the argument can be made (as Klein examines) that it is a ploy to “let them kill themselves.” I bring this into play because it speaks to the skewed Diasporic image that is being projected by this culture outside of Somalia. Klein, just as Carrier is doing, is trying to solve the question of how and why chewing khat has developed these social interactions which seem to be tied directly into norms and practices which shape the Diasporic community so differently than the one in Africa. As I’d like to intwertwine Carrier’s discussion with Klein, it is important to note that Carrier’s examination takes on approach based on economic valuation of the plant. The varieties and variations in presentation of the plant are attributed to the monetary value which is also intertwined with cultural aspects of Kenyan ancestry. As Carriers develops the readers understanding of how and why khat is so valued (higher profit yield than traditional crops such as tea and coffee) he is also setting up the discussion of why certain strains of the plant will attract certain buyers, not only for their potency (or lack thereof) but the attachment one has with its roots (literally). It came to my understanding through both texts that they are presenting a completely new image of an object. As Klein writes Appadurai’s exchange being the basis of value, is debunked here… as it does not really apply. It is not so much in the exchange that khat comes to be valued (either monetarily or culturally) it is in the source of the plants origins that Klein describes buyers become loyal to the purchase of one kind over another. It isn’t even in the narcotic effects of the plant, but more so how the plant’s life is symbolic of certain cultural and ancestral parts of these people’s lives. There is much to be had in the Klein piece about the economics of khat distrubution, from producer to middle man to retailer to buyer, but this to me is all background information, important indeed, but what was more noteworthy to me is the idea that this singular plant can facilitate so much. It divides, and at the same time brings people together.

Question 1: As cocaine is heavily policed, due to its detrimental effects on whites, why is a substance that is clearly being abused (by Somalis) not treated with the same importance?

Question 2: As khat is something highly regarded, socially and used to enhance one’s productivity, then why is it not working outside of the country?

5 comments:

  1. Hi Neil,

    Like Cat, you bring up the issue of criminalization of certain drugs over others. Like I wrote on her post, I thin there are political aspects to this. Think, for example, of the study done in the US on differing sentences for cocaine use and crack use, and the connection to socioeconomic status and race. I cannot remember the study which examined this, but I think it serves to illustrate an interesting point in Klein's article on debates over criminalization in the UK and the socioeconomic status of the Somali community.

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  2. Hey Neil,
    In response to your second question, I think that the Klein article addresses the way khat is built into Somalian culture, as a reason for its success there. Being a part of the "rhythm of working life", perhaps khat use abroad is just more innate to the structure of things. To me this brings to mind something like the siesta. I must say that I love the idea of a mid day break in theory, but while traveling, I find this lull in the day to conflict with my pattern of things (ie,wanting to eating lunch mid day or shop). In this way, there are just certain patterns that are engrained into certain cultures, and that are not necessarily transferable.

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  3. Hey all,

    Laurel, my question was a little misleading as I almost meant it in a rhetorical sense...any one of us is aware (at this stage of our education) that socioeconomic positions dictate hierarchy and overall lifestyle as it pertains to our interaction (or lack there of) with the criminal code. I guess I wanted to highlight the point in the Klein's piece because it made so much sense to me... shedding light on unequal treatment points to a bigger picture in the debate about this stuff... I guess it bothers me to think that the discussion has focused so much on the harm its doing rather than how it even came to be a problem in the first place... which dovetails into my second question.

    so, with regards to that, I totaly get the whole siesta/khat in the wrong environment... its like throwing a wrench in the motor of our well greased lives...and that is preciccely what is happening to the Somali diasporic community, their being uprooted and moved somewhere else... so what does that leave them with... yearning and a search for "back home ness" when we subject ourselves to something radically different (lifestyle, new job) we ALWAYS try and find comfort in something we KNOW and can relate or familiarize ourselves with as being a part of who you are.

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  4. Hi Neil,

    In regards to your first question I think that you can only play the race card if you're comparing substances with equally detrimental effects. The articles equate qat to a drug similar to marijuana and as we know marijuana isn't as heavily policed as cocaine, so why should qat be?

    That being said, if a large majority of white British citizens were sitting home all day, unemployed, using marijuana (or something similar) there would probably be some intervention on behalf of the government. So ultimately that answer can really go both ways.

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  5. Hi Neil
    regarding your 1st question i will agree with Denise: Race. If Khat is only being abused by Somalis then in a way it is not England's problem. But as we have been comparing Khat and marijuana they are both abused and not as policed. Khat is more hidden from society as in contrast with marijuana and other drugs that appear in motion pictures and popular media. So the abuse of Khat can either be neglection or lack of knowledge that people are abusing it.

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